Here's an interesting video -- a Princeton PhD scholar who went to Japan to study SGI in Japan -- from SGI Unofficial.
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The presenter on this video is a non-SGI member who studied the SGI, primarily
in Japan. I found it to be an interesting and somewhat different video on the
subject. His presentation begins right after the introduction which is a little
bit long, so if that is boring, just skip to his speech.
June 11, 2009
Levi McLaughlin, a Princeton Ph.D. candidate in Religion and one of the three
2009 Hoffman Scholars, describes his dissertation research during the 2009
Hoffman Scholars Honors Presentation.
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www.youtube.com]
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The video itself is over a half hour long. McLaughlin himself does not begin speaking until 7:52. He gives a history of the Soka Gakkai from about 9:30 to 19:48. For me, the best part was 19:49 on, where he speaks of SGI in Japan today.
One interesting point he made was that SGI in Japan really is a nation within a nation -- with its own leaders, government, education, economy and media. McLaughlin defines a nation as a group of people with its own specific culture, mission, ideals and values, that can transcend the actual borders of a country. For example, a nomadic people can be considered a nation if the group shares an indentity, culture, and values.
Around SGI Headquarters in Tokyo, SGI even has its own currency, which can be used in businesses around headquarters. Elite Young Men's Division members are trained in security -- and have the latest surveillance equipment.
SGI Japan made its greatest growth between the 1950's and 1970's -- also a time of great economic growth and change for Japan. The Japanese who joined SGI tended to be poor and disenfranchised. They often were poor rural people who migrated into cities looking for work.
These people and their families lacked connections, opportunity, education. As McLaughlin says, SGI offered them "an alternative route to belonging," and "social and cultural legitimacy within "an educational framework." SGI instructed these individuals in both Japanese Buddhist philosophy -- and also exposed them to western philosophy -- Kant, Emerson, Thoreau, Dewey. SGI founded the Soka Schools system, as well as art galleries and museums. Ikeda published his poetry in SGI publications, and wrote rambling essays quoting European, American, and Chinese writers and philosophers. This was really the first time many of these working-class Japanese had been exposed to such ideas.
As McLaughlin says, SGI Japan's peak growth coincided with the Japanese economy's peak growth. Members' personal fortunes grew during this period -- for which members credited SGI. Now, many of the SGI Japan members are second or third-generation SGI -- and solidly middle class. So how does SGI continue to keep, and motivate these members?
McLaughlin chose to focus his research on Japan. He thinks that SGI is different in each country. I agree. SGI is expanding into former communist countries, Russia and Eastern Europe, and into Africa. Prospective members in these countries may be much like the postwar Japanese members -- desperate for something to help them deal with poverty, disenfranchisement, and a rapidly changing society.
What does SGI mean to those of us who are living in North America or Western Europe? Or more recent SGI-Japan converts? SGI-USA has attracted a mix -- minority and low-income members, along with middle-class professionals. Our motivations for joining seem to be all over the board -- dealing with difficulties, but the exact nature of the difficulties varies. Which may be why the Japanese leadership seems to find American members so confounding!
This comes back to Sushigrl's question. Why did we join and stay in SGI? That middle class people are not exempt from feeling disenfranchised and longing for a sense of community, that a decent job and a house in the 'burbs are not enough? A need for structure and a greater sense of purpose?